Kindly be informed that we are in the process of updating this page to provide you with the most accurate and valuable information regarding abortion in Bolivia. Please feel free to explore the current version, but we ask for your understanding regarding any potential inaccuracies.
In Bolivia, the legal and social landscape surrounding abortion is complex. Abortion is largely restricted, with limited exceptions, which contributes to a culture of stigma and fear surrounding the issue. The severe penalties associated with abortion not only criminalize women who seek to terminate a pregnancy but also highlight the broader implications for women’s rights and health in the country.
Moreover, the most common method to induce abortion is Misoprostol accounting for 65.8% abortions, followed by dilation and curettage with 12.7%; it’s important to note that the WHO doesn’t recognize this method as safe, the following method used according to the statistics is Manual Vacuum Aspiration with 8.7%, 2% used Mifepristone with Misoprostol. Finally, 10% of abortion seekers do not know the method used for abortion [11].
Abortion Law & Regulation
Abortion Rights in Bolivia
Abortions in Bolivia are allowed in specific situations, which gives the regulation a grounds-based legal framework. Abortions conducted outside this established framework are classified as a crime against life, carrying a potential prison sentence of up to three years for the aborting person and up to six years for persons involved in the procedure (§§ ff 263, Penal Code)1.
Grounds-based laws allow abortions in certain circumstances, depending on the legal framework of the respective country. Other models, that in some countries coexist with grounds-based laws, limit the legal availability of the procedure depending on either time or request.
When is an abortion legal in Bolivia?
Abortion laws are exclusively manifested in the Bolivian Penal Code. In this way, the law decriminalizes the procedure in the following cases:
- Risk to the health (physical or mental) or life of the pregnant person: In this case, a medical assessment is required.
- Pregnancy resulting from rape and/or incest: In this case, a formal complaint is necessary.
- Fetal health issues: In this case, a medical assessment is required.
Despite the three legal grounds outlined in the law, several requirements create barriers to accessing safe abortion:
- Representation and/or consent are required for individuals with disabilities or minors to access the procedure.
- Waiting periods are enforced before the procedure can be accessed.
- Medical approval and medical committees are necessary to access abortion.
Articles and punishments
The Penal Code in Bolivia establishes a stringent legal framework regarding abortion, highlighting a sexist and discriminatory atmosphere that imposes severe penalties on both individuals seeking abortions and those providing them. The law reflects a complex interplay of morality, legal implications, and the protection of women’s rights, often placing women in precarious situations when navigating their reproductive health2.
Article 263: General Abortion Laws
- Non-consensual Abortion: If a person causes the death of a fetus or induces premature expulsion without the pregnant individual’s consent or if she is under 16, the penalty is imprisonment for two (2) to six (6) years.
- Consensual Abortion: If the abortion is performed with the individual’s consent, the penalty is imprisonment for one (1) to three (3) years. The pregnant person who consents to the abortion may also face imprisonment of one (1) to three (3) years.
- Non-punishable Attempt: The attempt of the pregnant individual to abort is not punishable.
Article 264: Abortion Resulting in Injury or Death
- If a consensual abortion results in injury, the penalty is imprisonment for one (1) to four (4) years. If it results in death, the penalty is increased by half.
- If a non-consensual abortion results in injury, the perpetrator faces imprisonment for one (1) to seven (7) years; if it results in death, the penalty is two (2) to nine (9) years.
Article 265: Honor-related Abortion
If the abortion is committed to save the woman’s honor, either by herself or with third-party consent, the penalty is six (6) months to two (2) years of imprisonment. This penalty is increased by one-third if death occurs.
The concept of “women’s honor” often arises from traditional gender roles that place high value on women’s perceived purity and chastity. Historically, women’s worth has been closely tied to their sexual behavior, with an emphasis on maintaining sexual restraint. These ideas serve to control women’s sexuality, often prioritizing reproductive roles. Additionally, these ideas support the ideologies that stigmatize abortion as it represents the violation of the traditional role of motherhood as the primary destiny for women.
Article 266: Exemptions from Punishment
- Abortion resulting from rape, abduction not followed by marriage, or incest is not punishable, provided that legal action has been initiated.
- Abortion performed to prevent danger to the pregnant individual’s life or health is also exempt from punishment, provided it is conducted by a doctor with the person’s consent and judicial authorization if necessary.
Article 267: Unintentional Abortion
If a person causes abortion through violence without the intent to do so, but knowing the individual is pregnant, they face imprisonment for three (3) months to three (3) years.
Article 268: Negligent Abortion
If a person causes an abortion through negligence, they may be required to perform community service for up to one (1) year.
Article 269: Habitual Abortion Practice
Anyone who habitually practices abortion will face imprisonment for one (1) to six (6) years.
Article 250: Abandonment of Pregnant Woman
Article 250 of the penal code addresses the issue of abandonment of pregnant women, aiming to safeguard their lives. However, this legal provision simultaneously reinforces the interpretation of abortion as a criminal act.
Anyone who, outside of marriage, causes a woman to become pregnant and subsequently abandons her without providing necessary assistance shall be punished with imprisonment for six (6) months to three (3) years.
The penalty shall be imprisonment for one (1) to five (5) years if, as a consequence of the abandonment, the woman commits the crime of abortion, infanticide, exposure, or abandonment of the newborn, or suicide.
Article 250, Penal Code Bolivia
This legal provision is significant as it places abortion in a context alongside other severe crimes such as infanticide and abandonment of a newborn. By categorizing abortion with such serious offenses, the law reflects a stringent stance on reproductive rights and women’s autonomy over their bodies.
Conscientious objection: Doctors have the right to refuse performing an abortion
Resolution 1508 issued by the Ministry of Health established a protocol for legal abortion procedures. This protocol acknowledges that healthcare providers have the right to conscientious objection on an individual basis3. However, there are several obligations connected to this right.
Conscientious objection refers to the right of an individual to refuse to comply with a legal obligation or mandate due to moral, ethical, religious, or philosophical convictions that are in conflict with that obligation.
The legal framework for conscientious objection in Bolivia is manifested in several key documents:
- The Medical Ethics and Deontology Code (approved in 2008): This code allows doctors to excuse themselves from advising or performing a non-punishable abortion if it’s contrary to their convictions. However, they must allow the continuation of care through another qualified doctor4.
- The Technical Procedure for Health Service Provision (approved in 2015): This document outlines specific rules for conscientious objection in cases of legal abortion. It states that objection is a personal decision, not an institutional one. Objectors must communicate their objection in writing to their superiors, who must then ensure the procedure is carried out within 24 hours by a non-objecting provider5.
- The Medical Professional Practice Law (Law 3131 of 2005): This law generally recognizes the right to conscientious objection for medical professionals6.
Despite these legal provisions, the implementation of conscientious objection in practice appears to be inconsistent. Many healthcare providers and even health authorities are unaware of the specific regulations governing conscientious objection7. Some doctors informally refer cases to non-objecting colleagues without formally declaring their objection in writing8.
Facts & Numbers
How many abortions are performed in Bolivia?
An estimated 110,000 abortions are performed per year in Bolivia, according to a 2022 research by the Guttmacher Institute9. Consequently, the abortion rate in the country lies at around 38 abortions for every 1000 women between the ages of 19 and 49.
However, there are several estimates:
- Rodríguez & Solíz (2017): 50,000 to 60,000 abortions per year10.
- Ipas Bolivia (2018): The organization estimates that in 2010 around 52.057 procedures occurred, while in 2016 the number rose to 59.646 estimated procedures. Currently, Ipas estimates 185 abortions per day in Bolivia11.
The official numbers of the Health Ministry are drastically lower. From January to November 2022, it registered only 913 legal terminations of pregnancy, of which 60% were for health risk to the pregnant person, 38% for rape and 2% for congenital malformation incompatible with life12.
Pregnancies ending in abortion
Overall, the numbers show that abortion is a common practice in Bolivia. More than one fourth (26%) of all pregnancies end up in abortion13 14. For unintended pregnancies, the abortion rate raises to more than one third.
However, it is remarkable that most unintended pregnancies get carried out. A report by MSI Reproductive Choices from 2011 presents these outcomes more detailed15:
Another analysis conducted by the Ministry of Health and Sports on data from four maternity hospitals revealed that 38.5% of pregnancies among girls under 15 end in abortion, while a significant 61.5% of these underage pregnancies continue to term16.
Unsafe Abortions
Not every person in need has access to a safe abortion in Bolivia. Unsafe abortions are the third cause of maternal death in the country, other causes include haemorrhaging, birth-related infections and eclampsia17. IPAS Bolivia explains:
Because abortion is criminalised in Bolivia, it is performed in clandestine and unsafe places, exposing women to infection, perforation of the uterus and even putting their lives at risk18.
The fact that 60% of all health funds for obstetrics and gynecology (OBGYN) are aimed at treating complications from unsafe, clandestine abortions, underlines the seriousness of the Bolivian situation19.
Public opinion
What Bolivians believe about abortion
Bolivia is a deeply religious and conservative nation, with approximately 90% of its population belonging to a religious group.20 Its society often carries sexist values and is influenced by stigma and violence. These factors significantly influence public perceptions of abortion in the country and enable several conservative groups across Bolivia to misinform people and sway their decisions against the voluntary interruption of pregnancy21.
MSI Reproductive Choices reports that 78.4% of Bolivian women view abortion as a sin, and over a third feel it should not be discussed 22. Only one-third openly stated that a woman may choose to terminate her (unintended) pregnancy. More than half responded that the pregnancy should be continued 23.
Nonetheless, that doesn’t imply the absence of pro-choice attitudes in the country. In 2018, IPAS ran a survey among 211 health providers24. The subjects were asked about their opinion regarding an attempted liberalization of the abortion law. According to the report, 82% agreed with it. However, the researchers also noted a concern of medical professionals to become victims of stigmatization when performing the procedure, which results in potential barriers for abortion seekers.
Abortion Seekers
Who is having abortions in Bolivia?
Most abortion seekers in Bolivia age 21–30 years (63%). One third is 20 years or younger (32.2%) and almost one percent is even younger than that (0.7%), according to a report published in the Gaceta Medica Boliviana25.
Furthermore, 87% of those who underwent abortions were single. 46.3% worked as professionals, 31.5% attained a high school degree, 19.5% trained as higher technicians, and 2.7% completed part of their secondary education.
Use of Contraceptives
MSI Reproductive Choices found that only 49 out of 152 women who had an abortion—about one-third—had access to contraceptives beforehand26. Access refers here to both a lack of information and prevailing negative attitudes towards sexuality.
Only 61 % of those who used contraceptives chose modern methods. The rest relied on traditional ones.
Modern contraceptive methods include devices or practices like condoms, birth control pills, IUDs, and implants that prevent pregnancy. They are designed for regular use to prevent the sperm from fertilizing the egg.
Traditional contraceptive methods are methods used to prevent pregnancy that do not involve modern medical technologies. They include methods like withdrawal or “pulling out”, fertility awareness methods which involve tracking a woman’s menstrual cycle, and barrier methods like condoms27. Traditional family planning is estimated to be about 75% effective28.
Role of the family of abortion seekers
When examining the impact of family on abortion choices, it’s noteworthy that in 2% of instances, family pressure played a role in the decision to proceed with the procedure, particularly among individuals aged 15 to 20. Conversely, around 81% of cases revealed that families were completely unaware of the pregnancies and exerted no influence. In 17% of cases, families were supportive of the person’s choice29.
Accessibility & Methods
How people can get an abortion in Bolivia
While 86.3% (1,196) of the surveyed women reported being aware of surgical abortion procedures and 56.8% (787) mentioned medication abortion,
How does the context affect abortion in Bolivia?
Context and abortion
The indices above aim to explain Bolivia’s context related to hunger and undernourishment, human rights violations, access to safe drinking water, access to clean fuels for cooking, the level of literacy gap between men and women, and economic inequality.
According to the presented data, if Bolivia is compared to other countries in the region, it still has some failures when it comes to the indicators. For example, hunger and undernourishment are still moderate. Thus, not all Bolivian population has their basic needs covered.
Another index that is worthy to take into account, is the one that exposes the level of literacy gap between men and women. As shown, the 2020 level of literacy in men was 96.5% whereas in women it was 88.6%. Consequently, men and women don’t have the same scholarship access.
Acknowledging this data helps understand Bolivia’s particular context. Therefore, the information is useful to analyze why people decide to continue or terminate the pregnancy. For example, in many instances, people would like to continue their pregnancy, but their social system doesn’t support them. Similarly, people would want to interrupt their pregnancy, but the system does not allow them or prosecutes them for it.
Knowledge and attitudes toward medical abortion in Bolivia
Given the socioeconomic and cultural situation of the country, sexual health and reproductive rights in Bolivia are not working the way they should. The most recent ruling about this is from 2017, which stated that in circumstances such as teen pregnancy, rape, sexual assault, incest, economic issues, or compromise of integral health, the law would allow voluntary interruption of the pregnancy up to the first eight weeks [1].
Nevertheless, as in other Latin American countries, the subject has led to discussions among different sectors. Bolivia is still a very conservative country, and acknowledging that is key to understanding why, even among the medical community, exists stigmatization towards it. According to Ipas Bolivia’s study ‘Las cifras hablan II’, out of 218 surveyed health providers, only 82% agreed with the improvements included in the 2017 abortion sentence [3].
Besides that, Bolivia has other issues to take into account. The paper ‘Sexual and reproductive rights for contraception in Colombia, Bolivia, and Uruguay in the framework of human rights’ [6] claims that situations such as poverty and marginalization cause some communities to have difficulties accessing safe abortions. Furthermore, based on an Ombudsman’s Office of Bolivia 2020 report, not all health facilities in Bolivia have the proper installations, tools, and medicaments to successfully perform an abortion. Thus, even if the person is under the allowed circumstances to get a legal procedure, it is possible that due to the center’s lack of implementation, it would not proceed.
The paper ‘Sexual and reproductive rights for contraception in Bolivia, Colombia, and Uruguay in the framework of human rights*’ [6] claims that despite the 2017 sentence, not only the voluntary interruption of the pregnancy procedure but also birth control is not easily accessible to marginalized impoverished populations. The article ‘La cara siniestra del aborto clandestino en Bolivia’ [10], talks about how despite the Bolivian abortion law, clandestine abortions continue to exist. People who go to these places come from poor communities and, in most cases, are not aware of the constitutional law. Therefore, they are revictimized very often [10].
How did the pandemic influence abortion in Bolivia?
Impact of COVID-19
There is little official data about how COVID-19 impacted Bolivians’ sexual health and reproductive rights. However, acknowledging the UNFPA 2020 [8] report about how the pandemic could affect women’s sexual and reproductive rights, it is clear that during the quarantine, women and girls were most likely to suffer sexual aggression and domestic violence. Thus, there was a concern about how COVID-19 and its socioeconomic implications would end in an increase in unintended pregnancy, especially in what comes to girls.
According to a 2020 article published in El Deber, during the first five months of 2020, the health ministry registered 13.000 pregnancies of under 19-years-old girls [9]. This is problematic not only because of the high rate of teenage pregnancy but also because it is an underestimated figure. Not every pregnant woman gets prenatal care, and there is lack of information regarding cases of sexual assault, as those cases are underreported. Therefore, the rate is probably even higher.
Besides, it is hard for indigenous and marginalized communities in Bolivia to access primary care [6]. Most of the time, the healthcare facilities close to their territories don’t have the necessary equipment to give them the required attention. Moreover, prenatal care, birth and abortion pills, and surgical abortion are really hard to get in normal scenarios. Hence, during the pandemic, the situation for sexual and reproductive care worsened.
What is the data gap in Bolivia?
What we don’t know
Although some data is available from the health system, NGOs provide more critical information. However, to draw a complete picture of the abortion situation in Bolivia studies would require answering the following questions:
How many abortions were performed before, during and after the pandemic?
*This page presents abortion data only for women and girls since the information available is usually not separated by gender. However, AbortionData.org acknowledges this limitation.
Where did we get the information?
Sources
[1] (S.F) Abortion regulation in América Latina. Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean. Available at:
https://oig.cepal.org/es/laws/2/country/bolivia-6
[2] (S.F) Unintended pregnancy and abortion in Bolivia. Guttmacher Institute. Available at:
https://www.guttmacher.org/regions/latin-america-caribbean/bolivia
[3] IPAS Bolivia (2018) Las cifras hablan II. Ipas Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia. Available at:
[4]
[5] Mamani E (14-12-2020) El aborto legal en Bolivia y los objetores de conciencia institucionalizados. My waso. Available at: https://muywaso.com/el-aborto-legal-en-bolivia-y-los-objetores-de-conciencia-institucionalizados/
[6] Cordoba-Pozo K et al., (2017) Sexual and reproductive rights for contraception in Colombia, Bolivia, and Uruguay in the framework of human rights. Revista Panam Salud Pública. Available at:
[7] Defensoría del Pueblo de Bolivia (2020) Informe defensorial. Situación de la interrupción legal del embarazo como derecho humano de las mujeres. Available at
[8] UNFPA (2020) Los riesgos de la pandemia del COVID-19 para el ejercicio de los derechos sexuales y reproductivos de las mujeres. Available at:
[9] Vincenti S. (20 -07-2020) Encerradas junto a sus agresores, así pasaron el confinamiento muchas niñas en Bolivia. El Deber, Bolivia. Available at:
[10] Muy Waso (30-09-2019) La cara siniestra del aborto en Bolivia. Available at:
[11] Rojas, G. D. F. R. (2022). Factores sociales, demográficos y gineco-obstétricos asociados al aborto inducido en mujeres bolivianas, periodo 2018-2022: Factores asociados al aborto inducido en Bolivia 2018-2022. Gaceta Médica Boliviana, 45(2), 128-134.
- Código Penal y Código de Procedimiento Penal (2010), Ministerio de Justicia de Bolivia, available at: https://tsj.bo/wp-content/uploads/2019/11/codigo-penal-y-procedimento-penal.pdf ↩︎
- Girl’s Ordeal Exposes Bolivia’s Failure on Reproductive Rights (2021), César Muñoz, available at: https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/12/06/girls-ordeal-exposes-bolivias-failure-reproductive-rights ↩︎
- Estado de Situación de La Objeción de Conciencia En Bolivia, Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir (2018) n.d., p. 5, available at https://catolicasbolivia.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/08/7-HD-Estado-de-situacion-corregido.pdf ↩︎
- ibid., pp. 29–30 ↩︎
- ibid., pp. 30-31 ↩︎
- ibid., p. 48 ↩︎
- ibid., pp. 38–40 ↩︎
- ibid., pp. 40–41 ↩︎
- Bearak JM, Popinchalk A, Beavin C, et al
Country-specific estimates of unintended pregnancy and abortion incidence: a global comparative analysis of levels in 2015-2019
BMJ Global Health 2022;7:e007151., available at https://gh.bmj.com/content/7/3/e007151 ↩︎ - CAMPOHERMOSO RODRIGUEZ, Omar Félix y SOLIZ SOLIZ, Ruddy. Legalización del aborto en Bolivia: (Cuestión de Salud Pública y Derechos Humanos, no de Moral). Cuad. – Hosp. Clín. [online]. 2017, vol.58, n.2 [citado 2024-09-10], pp.87-100. available at http://www.scielo.org.bo/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1652-67762017000200014 ↩︎
- Bolivia, Ipas, Available at https://www.ipas.org/where-we-work/the-americas/bolivia/ ↩︎
- IPAS Bolivia, Interrupciones legales del embarazo por violación: el 78% se practicaron a niñas (15.05.2023), available at https://www.ipasbolivia.org/noticias/interrupciones-legales-del-embarazo-por-violacion-el-78-se-practicaron-a-ninas ↩︎
- Bearak JM, Popinchalk A, Beavin C, et al, see 9. ↩︎
- IPAS Bolivia (2018) Las cifras hablan II. Ipas Bolivia. La Paz, Bolivia. Available at:
https://www.ipasbolivia.org/materiales/las-cifras-hablan-ii-el-aborto-es-un-problema-de-salud-publica ↩︎ - Bruch, Barbery, Pimentel, Bury (2011), Emberazos no deseados y abortos inseguros en cinco ciudades de Bolivia, MSI Reproductive Choices, p. 26, available at https://clacaidigital.info/bitstream/handle/123456789/2341/Situaciones%20evitables_%20embarazos%20no%20deseados%20y%20abortos%20inseguros%20en%20cinco%20ciudades%20de%20Bolivia.pdf ↩︎
- IPAS Bolivia (2018) Las cifras hablan II., p.129, see 14. ↩︎
- Bolivia tackles maternal and child deaths, Moloney, Anastasia, The Lancet, Volume 374, Issue 9688, 442, available at https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(09)61438-0/fulltext ↩︎
- ibid. ↩︎
- Deborah L. Billings, Barbara B. Crane, Janie Benson, Julie Solo, Tamara Fetters,
Scaling-up a public health innovation: A comparative study of post-abortion care in Bolivia and Mexico, Social Science & Medicine, Volume 64, Issue 11, 2007, Pages 2210-2222,
available at: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2007.02.026. ↩︎ - 2023 Report on International Religious Freedom: Bolivia, US Department of State, Section 1, available at: https://www.state.gov/reports/2023-report-on-international-religious-freedom/bolivia/ ↩︎
- Corrales R (25-20-2022) Las engañosas estrategias de los centros antiaborto en Bolivia. Muy Waso. Available at: https://muywaso.com/el-aborto-legal-en-bolivia-y-los-objetores-de-conciencia-institucionalizados/ ↩︎
- Bruch, Barbery, Pimentel, Bury (2011), p. 11, see 15. ↩︎
- ibid., p.22 ↩︎
- IPAS Bolivia, see 3. ↩︎
- Rojas, G. D. F. R. (2022). Factores sociales, demográficos y gineco-obstétricos asociados al aborto inducido en mujeres bolivianas, periodo 2018-2022: Factores asociados al aborto inducido en Bolivia 2018-2022. Gaceta Médica Boliviana, 45(2), 128-134, available at: https://revistas.umss.edu.bo/index.php/gacetamedicaboliviana/article/view/137/164 ↩︎
- Bruch, Barbery, Pimentel, Bury (2011), p. 26, see 15. ↩︎
- Myka, Find my method, available at: https://findmymethod.org/ ↩︎
- MSI Reproductive Choices Timor Leste, available at: https://www.mariestopes.tl/services/traditional-family-planning-methods/traditional-family-planning/ ↩︎
- Rojas, G. D. F. R. (2022), p.131, see 25. ↩︎